Sunday, December 28, 2025

Human-Mosquito Conflict

for Conservation Psychology class, 2016

The Issue

The conflict between humans and mosquitoes, in the form of mosquito-borne illnesses, constitutes far and away the deadliest (to humans) human-wildlife conflict in the world. Some researchers estimate that mosquito-borne illnesses are responsible for approximately half of human deaths since the Stone Age.[1] Nearly 700 million humans contract mosquito-borne illnesses each year, resulting in more than one million human deaths per year.

Diseases caused by bacteria, viruses, or parasites transmitted by mosquitoes include malaria, dengue, filariasis, West Nile virus, chikungunya, yellow fever, a variety of encephalitises, and Zika fever. Of these, the protozoan disease malaria is the deadliest, causing around half a million deaths a year, 90% of which occur in Africa. Zika, suspected of causing microcephaly in infants born to infected women, has been much in the news lately. Other mosquito-borne diseases are less deadly than malaria but still a concern for humans, especially dengue and yellow fever. Many of these diseases (though not malaria) are primarily spread by a single species, Aedes aegypti – most of the more than three thousand species of mosquito are not vectors for disease and are more or less harmless to humans.[2]

This is a two-sided conflict: mosquitoes transmit diseases which kill humans, and humans in turn try to kill mosquitoes. Therefore, at stake in this conflict are millions to hundreds of millions of human lives and well-being on one side and countless mosquito lives and livelihoods on the other. In addition to the direct stakes for humans and mosquitoes, there are also the indirect ecosystem effects of mosquitoes, such as the plants pollinated by mosquitoes and the larger animals that eat mosquitoes and their larvae. Additionally, other animals, such as insects other than mosquitoes, stand to be harmed by indiscriminate insecticide use and other environmentally harmful techniques.

The conflict takes place in most tropical and subtropical areas of the globe, primarily Africa, South and Central America, India, and the Pacific Islands.

Vaccines are available for some mosquito-transmitted diseases, but not all.[3] Even in cases where vaccines exist, getting them to the people at risk of mosquito-borne illnesses – many of whom live in areas with limited road infrastructure – in any sort of consistent way is easier said than done.

Using conventional insecticides, humans have made some progress in recent years exterminating disease-carrying mosquitoes in many areas. However, this can have unforeseen effects on the ecosystem, adversely affecting a wide variety of insects, including the many species of harmless mosquitoes. Moreover, mosquitoes evolve quickly to resist insecticides.[4]

Among the most promising solutions to this conflict, and the one this paper will focus on, was developed by Oxitec, a British company, and tested in Brazil, Malaysia, and the Cayman Islands on Aedes aegypti, the primary carrier of dengue and yellow fever. This technique involves breeding and releasing mass numbers of genetically-engineered (i.e., transgenic) male mosquitoes (which do not bite – only female mosquitoes bite, to nourish their eggs) that are effectively sterile – engineered such that their larvae produce a protein that quickly kills them so they never become adult mosquitoes. These mosquitoes breed with females (who only breed once or twice in a short lifetime), their larvae quickly die, and the next generation of A. aegypti is much smaller. This targets only one of many mosquito species in the area, and so is likely to have minimal impact on the ecosystem and on non-problematic mosquito species.[5]

Nonetheless, Oxitec’s technique has much opposition, as many people hate and mistrust the idea of transgenic organisms.

Target Audience

The audience, then, is those people who oppose Oxitec’s technique, especially those in governments and positions of power in affected nations, who have the ability to block and stymie or to fund and support Oxitec’s efforts. These people may object to the technique on the basis of the precautionary principle, lack of comprehension of how the technique works (in particular how releasing more pest animals into an area can ultimately reduce their prevalence), or simple emotional fear of transgenic organisms – “Dr. Frankenstein’s Monster, plain and simple,” in the words of Helen Wallace, executive director of the British environmental organization GeneWatch.[6] The goal is to overcome these fears through education and, where necessary, additional research to demonstrate the safety of these transgenic mosquitoes, without dismissing those fears that have basis in reality.

There are cross-cultural issues at play here. In particular, there may be a possible problem with scientific imperialism (or Rudyard Kipling’s “White Man’s Burden”), where a British company of mostly white people comes to use their Enlightenment values (i.e., science) to rescue the darker-skinned folks of South America, Africa, India, and the Pacific Islands from something they can’t handle themselves. For this reason, it may be best to operate primarily through local intermediaries – use locals to get everyone else on board.

Psychological Concepts

Objections to transgenic organisms take, broadly, two forms: the value of caution, and the emotion of fear.

Hesitation based on the precautionary principle – that the onus is on those proposing a course of action to demonstrate that the proposed action is safe – may indeed be warranted. For this reason, much research should be performed to demonstrate the safety of Oxitec’s technique. However, one problem with the precautionary principle is that it promotes inaction, and in many cases inaction may be riskier than action. Indeed, in this case, we know for sure that inaction causes millions of human deaths. Perhaps the onus should instead be on the naysayers to prove that the technique is more dangerous than allowing mosquito-borne illnesses to continue to claim human lives.

A risk assessment workshop predicted negligible risk to humans or the environment, but found four possible risk areas: Aedes aegyptus could be replaced in its niche by other mosquito species, such as Aedes albopictus, which could correspondingly increase disease transmission by A. albopictus; a risk of alteration of food chains or webs, thought to be a low risk because A. aegypti is not native to Asia or South America in the first place and is not the only local mosquito species; the possibility that transgenic mosquitoes could somehow be less susceptible to insecticide than wild mosquitoes; and the potential that soil and water quality could be affected by the protein by which the process functions. These four areas warrant further studies and research to assuage potential legitimate fears.[7]

Less rigorously rational fears, on the other hand, are more difficult to deal with. Objection to advances in science and engineering has a long history, most famously incarnated in Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus (1818) and the English Luddites of the early 19th century. Indeed, citing Frankenstein is a common refrain from opponents of transgenic organisms of all sorts.

It is difficult to fight fear, especially when the fearful don’t see their fear as misplaced. The scientific community’s attempts to educate the public through scholarly defenses of genetically-modified organisms have barely made a dent in the public’s fear of GMOs.[8]

Action

The key here is science and education.

Science is needed to demonstrate beyond all reasonable doubt that Oxitec’s technique is safe for humans, safe for the environmental ecosystem, and effective at combating the problem of mosquito-borne disease. Much progress has been made on this front, but more is needed. Ideally, this science would be independent and not funded or performed by Oxitec or other corporations involved in transgenic engineering, to quiet suspicion of conflicts of interest. This science is necessary to settle the reasonable problem of the precautionary principle.

Concurrently and subsequently, a mass education campaign is needed to convince the public of areas afflicted by mosquito-borne disease that Oxitec’s technique is safe for humans, safe for the environmental ecosystem, and effective at combating the problem. Some of the fearful may never be swayed by education, but if we can convince enough of the populace and enough members of local governments not to fear transgenic organisms, the way may be paved for successfully fighting mosquito-borne diseases. Ideally, this education would be performed by locals in the afflicted areas, not white people sailing in to play savior.

Success will be measured proximately by a reduction in popular opposition to transgenic solutions to the mosquito problem and by local governments choosing to fund Oxitec’s efforts – i.e., to buy the product Oxitec is selling. Success will be measured ultimately by a reduction of the Aedes aegypti population and, more importantly, a reduction in the incidence of mosquito-borne disease.

Conservation people may be brought on board by the solution’s several benefits: it should reduce human mortality, which is something that should appeal to many or most humans; when compared against the old-fashioned method of indiscriminate insecticide use, it is much less dangerous for the ecosystem and the environment; and it reduces the impact of an invasive pest (Aedes aegypti is invasive everywhere it is found except Africa) – though invasiveness is no longer universally considered as inherently bad as it once was.

Works Cited

Beech, C. J., Nagaraju, J., Vasan, S., Rose, R. I., Othman, R. Y., Pillai, V., & Saraswathy, T. (2009, July). Risk analysis of a hypothetical open field release of a self-limiting transgenic Aedes aegypti mosquito strain to combat dengue. Asia Pacific Journal of Molecular Biology & Biotechnology, 17, 99-111. Retrieved from http://www.msmbb.org.my/apjmbb/html173/173g.pdf

Boyer, P. (2004, November). Unwarranted Fear of GMOs Harms Us All. New Perspectives Quarterly, 21(4), 105-107. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5842.2004.00708.x

Hoi, A. G., & Roitberg, B. D. (2014). Mosquito Behavior and Disease Control. Evolution, Medicine, and Public Health, 162. doi:10.1093/emph/eou030

Specter, M. (2012, July 9). The Mosquito Solution. The New Yorker. Retrieved from http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2012/07/09/the-mosquito-solution

Tolle, A. M. (2009, April). Mosquito-borne Diseases. Current Problems in Pediatric and Adolescent Health Care, 39(4), 97-140. doi:doi:10.1016/j.cppeds.2009.01.001

World Health Organization. (2016, January). Malaria Fact sheet. Retrieved March 2016, from World Health Organization: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs094/en/

Sunday, December 21, 2025

Cosmogeny

From Various Scriptures[1]
Assembled by Vesper Alan Nisroch, Thought of Mirk
For Elucidation and Edification
With Annotations and Marginalia[2]

Before the beginning, there was not nothing. The world was, however, without form, and void, and nexus[3] was upon the face of the deep.

In coalition, the gods, led by Numiel, acting on mystic secrets invented by Mirk, threw back nexus, gave time a direction, and permitted the world to burst into being.[4]

The gods took immediately to the game of creation, collaborating first on humanity. But each god saw their collaboration as imperfect and devised individual upgrades -- Sequoia the elves; Hafgufa a succession of seafolk; Magzagrond and Urdle the dwarves and gnomes, respectively, plagiarizing freely from one another; Dalya the halflings; the Burning Hate a prolific oeuvre of variously monstrous and chimeric races; and so on.

Each god planted their creations in an environment optimized for them. Humans, adaptable, along with halflings, were placed on Androsia, that continent of a variety of environments (humans later migrated to cold Kryia and hot Sola). The dwarves, gnomes, and elves were placed on Heim, where Mirk went to work persuading elves to follow the ways of night, shadow, star, and moon. The other gods let the Burning Hate have barren, arid Stepa for her minions.

Sequoia and Hafgufa created the wild flora and fauna of the lands and seas, respectively; Numiel created dragons and the Burning Hate perverted them in her own image[5].

It is not known who invented the all-sacred Cat – the priesthoods of half a dozen gods attribute this creation to their patrons. Certainly, Sequoia created the catfolk, the tabaxi, who still revere her today. Sequoia and Numiel, in the days when they were close, collaborated on the lion. The Burning Hate created the tiger-demonic Rakshasa. But these were based on a preexisting model; the Cat herself may have existed with the gods, before time was.

Early on, but not immediately, Numiel invented Good and Mirk invented Evil[6], which led the gods and their creations into conflict[7]. Sequoia and Dalya sided with Good, the Burning Hate sided with Evil, and other gods refrained from taking sides, or attempted to play both sides against each other, or invented Chaos and Law in imitation of the Good-Evil dichotomy, until all of morality and ethics was a hopeless muddle[8].

Sunday, December 14, 2025

Macbeth and Lord of the Rings

for Shakespeare For Future English Teachers class, 2022

Great Fangorn Forest to High Isengard Shall Come (And Then, For Good Measure, to Helm’s Deep Shall Come)

In The Two Towers, the second book of the Lord of the Rings trilogy by J.R.R. Tolkien, one of the eponymous towers[1] meets its end in a most Macbeth-inspired way. No prophecy is involved in the Tolkien here, but a clear line can be traced from one of the witches’ masters’ prophecies in Shakespeare’s Macbeth to the fate of the tower of Orthanc and the fortress of Isengard.[2]

The third apparition conjured by the witches – the Child crowned, with a tree in his hand – informs Macbeth that he “shall never vanquish’d be until/Great Birnam wood to high Dunsinane hill/Shall come against him.”[3] In the end, the prophecy of Macbeth’s doom is fulfilled when the armies of Macbeth’s enemies take branches and boughs from Birnam Wood and march holding them, to disguise their number as they approach Macbeth’s stronghold at Dunsinane.[4] This was, in Tolkien’s opinion (at least when he was a boy), an utter cop-out; absolutely dodgy, wimpy writing.

Tolkien therefore devised a race of tree-people who dwell in Fangorn forest in Middle-Earth called Ents, who, after holding an Entmoot to discuss the matter at length, elect to march on Isengard, where the antagonist Saruman dwells and builds his forces. And so it is that the forest of Fangorn literally comes to Isengard and destroys it.[5] The parallel is not a coincidence.

(Jackson, The Lord of the Rings: The Two Towers, 2002)

Tolkien wrote to his friend W.H. Auden that the Ents’ “part in the story is due, I think, to my bitter disappointment and disgust from schoolboy days with the shabby use made in Shakespeare of the coming of ‘Great Birnam wood to high Dunsinane hill’: I long[ed] to devise a setting in which the trees might really march to war.”[6]

The Ents then send the Huorns of Fangorn forest – slower-moving and less sapient tree-people shepherded by the Ents[7] – to assist the protagonists at the Battle of Helm’s Deep[8], so Tolkien wrote himself a nice little twofer of biting his thumb at Shakespeare.

The Hand of No Man Shall Harm the Witch-King of Angmar

There is at least one other clear and obvious Macbeth parallel in Tolkien’s Legendarium. This one does involve a prophecy, but we do not have the same clear word from Tolkien’s own hand that he was inspired by one-upping Shakespeare.

In The Silmarillion, a prequel to The Lord of the Rings, the elf Glorfindel issues a prophecy about the Witch-King of Angmar, chief of Sauron’s Nazgûl, that "not by the hand of man shall he fall."[9] Compare this to the prophecy given to Macbeth by the bloody Child apparition, “laugh to scorn/The power of man, for none of woman born/Shall harm Macbeth.”[10] Both Macbeth and the Witch-King of Angmar interpret their respective prophecies as foretelling total invulnerability and invincibility, and both of their interpretations are proven incorrect by an unforeseen twist that fulfills the prophecy yet allows for their dooms.

Macbeth ends up executed by Macduff, a man who is not technically of woman born, but instead from woman “untimely ripp’d” – transitioned from fetus to baby via a C-section.[11]

Similarly, the Witch-King of Angmar is killed at the Battel of Pelennor Fields, not by a man, but by the tag-team of the Hobbit Meriadoch Brandybuck (using an ancient magical blade given to him by Tom Bombadil, which undid some of the magic protecting the Witch-King) and the woman Éowyn (who lands the killing blow using a mundane sword, presumably procured the old-fashioned way from the armory of the soldiers of Rohan). Tolkien, being a professional academic linguist, was very deliberately clever about his use of the word “man” here – Merry is a man by gender, but is not of the race of Man; while Éowyn is of the race of Man, but is not a man by gender; apparently two man-in-one-sense-but-not-in-the-other adds up to close enough to zero men to successfully fulfill Glorfindel’s prophecy. The Witch-King of Angmar, not being a linguist, was taken by surprise by this turn of events.[12]

(Jackson, The Lord of the Rings: The Return of the King, 2003)

In Pedagogy

A substantial discussion could be driven by prophecy in fiction, starting with the five prophecies in Macbeth (by my count[13]); continuing on with the parallel of one of them with Glorfindel’s prophecy about the Witch-King of Angmar; open an exploration of ancient Greek stories where struggling against fate was common (considering all the stories featuring the Oracle at Delphi, with a bonus sprinkle of the story of Cassandra for taste), and stories from other mythologies featuring prophecy; delve into how prophecy/fate can interact with free will[14]; there’s a whole slew of discussions and lessons one can engage in about prophecy.

While Tolkien is perhaps not as relevant to the youth of today as he was when he was first published, or when Peter Jackson’s film adaptations came out in the early ‘00s, there should certainly still be some students familiar with these works. Painting pictures from Tolkien could help get some students more invested in the Shakespeare. Certainly, using scenes or stills from Peter Jackson’s movies could help to illustrate the parallel concepts from Macbeth (perhaps one might make a video of clips of the Ent attack on Isengard and the Huorn intervention at Helm’s Deep and putting it on repeat before the beginning of the class period that we’re to discuss Birnam Wood coming to Dunsinane, and leaving it playing as students trickle in).

On the other hand, letting it be known that one parallel event in Tolkien derived from Tolkien’s scorn for how Shakespeare wrote it (even if that scorn originated when Tolkien was a youth, it was still expressed when he was an adult) could be counterproductive, so this merits some thought and care.

Certainly, painting a picture of the long tapestry of human literature (in the very broadest sense here – plays, epics, poetry, novels, television, movies, everything) as an unending chain of creators, inspired by one another and answering one another, could serve pedagogy, especially if I make note to explicitly include my students in the chain. In short, if riffing on Shakespeare was good enough for Tolkien to be literature (and riffing on actual history, as he did in very many of his plays, was good enough for Shakespeare to be literature), riffing on either of them is certainly good enough for my students to be literature.

Works Cited

Banks, F. (2013). Creative Shakespeare: The Globe Education Guide to Practical Shakespeare. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.

Jackson, P. (Director). (2002). The Lord of the Rings: The Two Towers [Motion Picture].

Jackson, P. (Director). (2003). The Lord of the Rings: The Return of the King [Motion Picture].

Pullman, P. (1995-2000). His Dark Materials. Northern Lights/The Golden Compass; The Subtle Knife; The Amber Spyglass. United Kingdom: Scholastic Print.

Shakespeare, W. (1606). The Tragedy of Macbeth. London.

Tolkien, J. (1954). The Fellowship of the Ring. London: George Allen & Unwin.

Tolkien, J. (1954). The Two Towers. London: George Allen & Unwin.

Tolkien, J. (1955, June 7). Letter 163. The Letters of J.R.R. Tolkien. (C. Tolkien, & H. Carpenter, Eds.)

Tolkien, J. (1955). The Return of the King. London: George Allen & Unwin.

Tolkien, J. (1977). The Silmarillion. (C. Tolkien, & G. G. Kay, Eds.) London: George Allen & Unwin.

Sunday, December 7, 2025

Study of Etymology in the Secondary English Classroom

for The Teaching of Writing class, 2020


Why, I might begin, is English so riddled with contradictions? Why do similar words not have the same structures – “mouse” and “louse” pluralize to “mice” and “lice”, so why does “house” pluralize to “houses” while “dice” is the plural of “die” (and “douse” is an unrelated verb, not even a noun)? Why do so many words just not follow the rules? We call such maverick words “irregular”, but they’re so common that irregularity is practically the norm.


In the video game Katamari Damacy, I might illustrate, there is a ball, the eponymous katamari, which accretes objects to itself. As you roll the katamari over objects, they stick to it, and it grows, until you have grown it from accumulating pins and bugs to accumulating whales and skyscrapers. Why, then, is English such a linguistic katamari, accreting vocabulary to itself until it grows bloated and pendulous with exception upon irregular exception, in a way that other languages are not?

CONQUEST, I might declare, jabbing a finger in the air. Conquest of the rest of the world by English invaders, obviously; we are all well aware of this centuries-long history, whence we get words like “juggernaut” (from Hindi “Jagannath”, “lord of the world”) and “barbeque” (from Arawakan “barbacoa", “framework of sticks”) and “safari” (from Swahili and Arabic, meaning “journey”).

However, I might amend, before its history of conquering everyone else, England has an even longer history of being conquered by other Europeans. The Romans; the Germanic tribes of Angles, Saxons, and Jutes; the Vikings; and, central to my point, the Norman French under William the Conquerer. William, Duke of Normandy, conquered England, installed his Norman cronies at all levels of the government, and instituted Norman French as the language of law and governance. Meanwhile, the Anglo-Saxon peasantry continued on as they always had, speaking Anglo-Saxon. Over the centuries, the two languages merged into one creole, which became modern English. The grammatical structure and about a quarter of our vocabulary remains Germanic from the Anglo-Saxon, but much of the rest of our vocabulary is from Latin via the French (and via later importation by scholars directly from Latin).[1]

English, I might exemplify, has, unusually among the world’s languages, different words for many meats than the animals whose flesh those meats are made from. “Pork” comes from Old French “porc”, while “pig” comes from Anglo-Saxon “picga”. “Beef” comes from Old French “boef”, while “cow” comes from Anglo-Saxon “cu”. Why? Because only the French-speaking Norman nobility could afford to eat meat, while the Anglo-Saxon serfs raised the animals for them! Picga in the Anglo-Saxon farmyard, porc on the Norman dinner table.[2]

Many of the baffling inconsistencies in English, I might conclude, come from this imposition of Norman French upon Anglo-Saxon. Most of the words that conjugate or decline in the middle, like “goose” → “geese” and “throw” → “threw”, come from Anglo-Saxon, while the words that do so at the end, like “duck” → “ducks” and “toss” → “tossed”, come from Norman French. Anglo-Saxon has its own rules, separate from those of French vocabulary.

Germanic/Anglo-Saxon words, I might elaborate, have long been considered by many English thinkers to be stronger, more emphatic, and more earthy than namby-pamby, formal, and distant Norman French/Latin. Many efforts or exemplifications have been made, some more serious than others, to de-Latinize the language.[3] The linguist and novelist JRR Tolkien, for example, wrote The Lord of the Rings with heavy reliance on the Anglo-Saxon words, in part to read as stronger, but also because he was trying to simulate a native English mythology, free of Continental influence.

It is this history, I might bring the lesson home, that informs the choice that somebody made, at some point, based either on either a scholarly or an instinctive understanding of this distinction, the decision that the past tense of the new-fangled slang verb “yeet”[4] is not weak and formal Norman “yeeted” but strong and burly Anglo-Saxon “yote”.

 

So, more or less, would go the lesson, one I’ve been crafting in my head (and with my friends and my partner, and on Twitter, and in a few different contexts in a few different classes, and so on) since around the time I decided to become an English teacher. Not in those specifics, necessarily – Katamari Damacy and Lord of the Rings may be dated references already, let alone by the time I get into teaching young people, and who knows how long “yeet” will last in the lexicon – but in that general gist, for sure.

But this is an etymology lesson, and halfway a history lesson – does this have a place in the English classroom? Just how multidisciplinary is the modern high school classroom?

Of less direct relevance to me, an English Education 7-12 student, but still an intriguing question: what of the English as a Second/Next/Foreign Language classroom – would just knowing that there really is some logic to the inconsistencies help English language learners?

Is there a most appropriate time to introduce this lesson – conspire with the social studies teachers to teach this when they are covering medieval Europe, perhaps? – though that was fifth grade when I was going through the system, a bit earlier than I’m going to wind up qualified to teach.

Most centrally of all, the question I shall focus most of my efforts upon: how can teaching etymology and the history of English be best incorporated usefully into teaching modern English grammar (syntax, spelling, vocabulary, etc.)?

 

I preliminarily begin my quest with searches on Buffalo State’s library system for “etymology teaching”, “etymology pedagogy”, and their ilk.

My eyeball is immediately seized by an article from 1693 by one Joseph Aickin, “M.A. and Lately one of the Masters of the Free-School of London-Derry”. How does the English teacher of the past feel about the present study of the English of the past?

It turns out, even in his day, students of English were complaining of how ridiculous the language is – “that Englishmen as well as strangers should account the English Tongue intricat and difficile; and that they should think that it cannot be reduced to Grammatical Rules”.[5]

And his response was similar to mine: He thinks it makes sense, actually:

Besides it is the easiest tongue to be taught and learned in the world; for the Grammatical part of it, may be reduced to a very small volume: and it may be improv’d far beyond the Latine, Greek, or French: it being very fertile and fit for compositions. There is no difficulty at all in the parts of speech, for Nouns have for the most part but two endings, to distinguish their Numbers. There are but two genders. Verbs have but two endings, and but few irregular; all the moods are express’d by eight particles, the tenses by fourteen signs: the formation of the passive voice is made by the auxiliary verb, am; so that the whole Etymological part of the Grammar, is a very short and compendious business.[6]

…Except for the parts where it doesn’t:

for indeed the Orthographical part of the English Tongue is the most difficile; There are many defects in the Orthographical part of the Tongue: for the number of Characters, are not sufficient to express the several articulat sounds, we have, as may appear by the several sounds of the vowel a as in can, cane, call, man, &c. o likewise hath several different sounds, as in god, roll, come, &c. g hath two different sounds as in get and generation: t hath two as in time and nation, c hath two, as in censure and came. Besides custom hath obtained so far upon us, that we are forced to spell words according to the idiom of the Tongue, from whence they are borrowed: nay and most commonly we are forc’t to pronounce these words contrary to the genious of our Tongue; Besides as our Alphabet is defective, so likewise it is Superfluous, for either c or k are needed. Ph sounds the same with f. q might as well be expressed by cw since w e are forced to add u after q to asist it. Cs might found x. ts z. g and j are two letters of the same sound, whereas the one viz. g. might always expresse the sound of g in get: and the other viz. j the sound of g in generation and j in Jesus its natural sound: w indeed is a neat connexion of two single uu’s: but the sound might aswell be expressed by two single uu’s. Y might aswell be express’d by i vowel: when it is taken for a vowel. It would be a great ease to Children, if all the Letters were named from their proper force and sound. But a sudden remedy thereof, is not to be expected.[7]


Aickin is right: English orthography is the most difficile (at least, I think, outside of those languages which have hundreds of characters to keep track of). And he’s right about the source of the problem: English is a linguistic katamari[8], and we are forced to spell words according to the idiom of the tongue from whence they are borrowed. We can’t blame just Anglo-Saxon and Norman French for this one.

Perhaps my case in the hypothetical lesson was overstated: the Norman Invasion only explains a substantial chunk of English’s irregularity and is only a subset of what I now hypothesize to be the ultimate twin causes of everything that’s weird or interesting about English: conquest and trade (including the transfer of scholarly ideas under “trade”). Still, the gist of the Norman Invasion more or less fits into one lesson (so long as you omit irrelevant specifics like individual battles); good luck covering all English conquests and trades in less than at least a full year.

Whether or not I’m inclined to overemphasize the Norman Invasion, the broader question remains at issue. Aickin is of little help on the specific issue of teaching etymology and the history of the language, except as an example – he offers only English in his English class, and he even holds somewhat the opposite position from what I’m trying to ascertain the efficacy of: he takes specific issue with the standard schooling practice of his time, the teaching of Latin to the exclusion of English (he does include in his text the teaching of “etymology”, but he doesn’t seem to mean by that what we mean today)[9].

In the 17th century, learned discourse was still conducted in Latin – René “Renatus Cartesius” Descartes published in Latin from the 1620s through ‘40s; Galileo Galilei’s Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems was translated into Latin in 1635, 3 years after its initial publication in Italian[10]; Baruch “Benedictus” de Spinoza’s magnum opus, Ethics, Demonstrated in Geometrical Order, was published in Latin in 1677; Sir Isaac Newton published his Principia Mathematica in Latin in 1687. Although one might notice that those esteemed gentlemen were each of a differing nationality from all the others (only one of them English), giving them good cause to use a common lingua franca; why not Latin?

On the other hand, Aickin’s position, that English should be taught on its own merits, makes sense in history – by the late 17th century, the turn-of-the-century English works of William Shakespeare and the King James Version of the Bible (not exactly the first English Bible ever, but the first major officially Church-sanctioned English Bible) would have had time to grow established in the canon of literature. Aickin would have been well-positioned to argue his case that English is at least as good for literature, scholarship, and religion as Latin or any other vernacular[11]. And, to be sure, history has demonstrated him correct, at least insofar as English has taken over from Latin as the language of science[12].

Aickin is a fascinating diversion, and the above digression could easily germinate another example lesson in the history of the language, but he doesn’t exactly answer: How can teaching etymology and the history of English be best incorporated usefully into teaching modern English?

 

 “Every standardized test that the student takes from high school through college contains a section on word meanings. I have found that a one-semester etymology course can raise the class vocabulary average a full grade level”[13]. That’s more like it. J.D. Sadler: “Etymology and Latin Teaching”, 1970. In this paper, Sadler is trying to recruit students to Latin classes, by discussing the Latin roots of many English words. He gives a plethora of examples – without covering the actual history of why English has all this Latin vocabulary.

If you were a student of Latin, you could be forgiven for assuming that our Latin words come from Roman rule over England in the first four centuries (as my Latin textbooks, the Cambridge Latin Course, implied). But it turns out that Roman Latin only had limited influence on Anglo-Saxon (as the Anglo-Saxons later invaded Britain and imposed their own Germanic language on the Celts, mostly overwriting the earlier Roman influence on the Celts), and most of these words come through the Normans and later scholars importing Latin words![14]

Sadler’s article also touches on teaching English etymology to improve student understanding of Latin. Which does recall how I did well in my Latin classes – most Latin words have English descendants, so if you have a large enough English vocabulary, most Latin words are easily rememberable (and a smattering of Spanish vocabulary picked up the slack) – so I agree with him here.

Similarly, Rasinski et al. summarize existing research since Sadler: “Studies have demonstrated the promise of teaching Latin and Greek roots in the intermediate grades”, and go on to propose that Latin and Greek roots be taught even at elementary levels – though, again, without their historical contexts.[15]

Moreover, Hosseini et al. studied etymology as a technique for teaching vocabulary to learners of English as a Foreign Language and determined that it compares favorably in results to memorizing the dictionary definitions. Latin and Greek etymology of English words helps every English learner, but especially native speakers of Romance languages.[16]

Thus the literature appears to have a broad consensus: learning etymology, in the form of common roots and affixes, especially Latin and Greek ones, is beneficial for learning English vocabulary. The answer to this part of the question is a straightforward “yes”, seeming to require not a tremendous amount of elaboration.

But I see no mention being made of teaching the history of the language as context for that etymological study. Perhaps the academy wants us to just stay in our lane as English teachers and leave history to the history teachers.

So, the unanswered part of the question remains: How can teaching the history of English be best incorporated usefully into teaching modern English?

 

A few initially promising, but ultimately fruitless, articles ensue in further explorations. Then:

Aha, a find! Kate Parry: “A language in common: an approach to teaching the history of English”. Sounds perfect!

Parry teaches a course on English literature, which she structures into three parts, which she calls European, Neo-European, and Non-European. European is the history of the English language up until the Age of Exploration, before England started colonizing everything (which, one might observe, covers the overwhelming bulk of recorded history, not to mention all of human prehistory, though Parry consciously eschews teaching any prehistory); Neo-European covers English settlers and colonists and  invaders elsewhere; and Non-European covers everybody who’s been forced, more or less against their will, to speak the language – primarily, those who dwelt upon land colonized by Europeans and persons forced to migrate at the end of a whip, into servitude under English speakers. [17]

Parry aims her focus strongly at the side of history where Zinn’s People’s History dwells, that which has often been neglected in mainstream education but has come into vogue recently, the history of that informs the English(es) her City University of New York students tend to speak. Even though the European category forms the overwhelming bulk of time, not to mention of development of the language, Parry focuses at least equal attention on the Non-European category. She likes to use primary and literary sources, but, as she points out, “literary sources […] have an inbuilt bias. Their authors must be literate, which means that before the nineteenth century nearly all those who wrote in English belonged to a minority that was at least relatively wealthy and relatively close to the centers of power.”[18]


    I say Zinn-style history has been neglected in mainstream education, but really, the lesson I outlined at the beginning of this paper was also neglected in my education – not once in all my history classes from kindergarten through secondary school, much less in any English classes, were the name “William the Conquerer” or the term “Norman Invasion” so much as mentioned in passing. I first encountered reference to this series of events through a video game, Crusader Kings II, which I first played as an adult, years after having acquired a bachelor’s degree. (Virtually all of what I know about history – indeed, everything outside of the Revolutionary War, which was all any of my history classes ever covered, with the exception of a vague overview of Medieval Europe in fifth grade and a barest surface-level survey of the entire history of the entire world, called “Global Studies”, in ninth grade – I have learned, from a variety of sources, since leaving school. My beef with the state of history pedagogy, at least as it was inflicted upon me in ‘90s and early ‘00s America, could stock a butcher’s shop for a year. But I am studying to be an English teacher, not a history teacher.)

Parry’s focus on the development of the language from the perspective of the oppressed is one I hadn’t considered, and which should probably inform future lessons... just not, perhaps, William the Conquerer – except insofar as the native Anglo-Saxon dwellers in England found themselves on the oppressed side of history under Norman boots, at the points of Norman swords.

It does come to mind that the Anglo-Saxons themselves had invaded the native Celts only half a millennium prior, not to mention the Roman occupation of the first few centuries. Is there a point to be made that even the English have a long history of having been oppressed? Perhaps England is as the schoolyard bully who only inflicts upon his peers what has been inflicted on him at home. Or does that simply muddy the dominant “England has oppressed everyone forever” narrative?

Here's an interesting lesson, from Parry:

My students do a substantial amount of work, however, on documented changes in English spelling, grammar, and vocabulary, through a series of assignments in which they examine in detail two biblical verses as translated by Ælfric in c. 1000, by the Wycliffites in 1375, by Tyndale in 1525, and by the King James translators in 1611 (Burnley 2000). They have first to transcribe their verses (I tell them that they must pretend to be medieval monks), then gloss each word of the two earlier versions (which requires using the Oxford English Dictionary extensively as well as the Anglo-Saxon Dictionary of Bosworth and Toller) and write about the changes that they have observed in the language through doing these exercises[19]

This recalls the Aickin-based rudiments of a lesson, above. It doesn’t sound very fun – a bit tedious, in fact – but it’s for sure interesting. (It would probably be improper to pick any of the really fun verses, like the part where Jesus gets hangry at an out-of-season fig tree and curses it to barrenness[20], or the part where the prophet Elisha sics two she-bears to maul forty-two youths who were calling him names[21], or the randiest parts of Song of Solomon, or the most psychedelic parts of Revelation.)

Parry’s teachings seem a solid basis for borrowing ideas from, but only as history of English qua history of English. Would her work inform learners of the English language, its grammar and vocabulary?

At this point, we have now explored teaching the history of English, as pertaining to the earlier question of teaching etymology, so the portion of the question that remains is: How can the above be best combined and incorporated usefully into teaching modern English?

 

As I’m running into a bit of a wall, source-wise, let us take stock. What have we accomplished so far? We have, among other things, determined that Latin and Greek etymology is useful for teaching modern English; and we have explored how to teach history of English. Perhaps our quest is now to simply construct a transitive argument, connecting the teaching of history of English to the teaching of etymology, and thereby determining: “We have determined that Latin and Greek etymology is useful for teaching modern English, and we (will) have determined that history of English is useful for teaching etymology, so therefore history of English is useful for teaching modern English.” (The possibility remains open that there is not much overlap between the portions of history of English that are useful to teaching etymology and the portions of the teaching of etymology that are useful to teaching modern English, but I’m content to leave that possibility dangling.) What we need now, to complete the argument, is to determine if history of English really is useful for teaching etymology. On the one hand: obviously yes. On the other hand: let’s see if we can find some support for this obvious thing.

Fred Robinson’s article, “The History of English and Its Practical Uses”, covers both etymology and history. I first found it to back up my existing understanding of Anglo-Saxon and the Norman invasion[22], but it’s good for other purposes, as well. It is not about teaching etymology through teaching history, but it does teach etymology through teaching history, so at least I have an example of this working well. (He also draws a new-to-me distinction, which could be further explored in the lesson I sketched out while writing about Aickin, between the Latinate words that come to us via Norman French and the Latinate words that come to us through the coinages of late-medieval, Renaissance, and Enlightenment scholars.) Robinson, therefore, is an example of an apparently effective pedagogical technique, not a study of the effectiveness of pedagogical techniques, so the answer to question of “how”, then, has currently become “as Robinson does.[23]

 

Summing up, then:

I have determined that etymology and the history of English clearly have a place in the English classroom, and the latter can inform the former; that etymology, at least, has a place in the English as a Second/Next/Foreign Language classroom, though I haven’t specifically answered whether simply knowing that there is a logic to English can help English language learners; I have not addressed specifically when this history of English should be taught, though for etymology it seems fine to sprinkle it through every vocabulary lesson.

As for the centralmost question: How can teaching etymology and the history of English be best incorporated usefully into teaching modern English grammar (syntax, spelling, vocabulary, etc.)? I have dug up a few examples[24] that seem effective and interesting to me, through I have turned up little scientific study of the assessment-based results of this specific pedagogical technique. This, then, is the traditional point where one might say “Further study is warranted.”


Further study is warranted.        


Works Cited

Aickin, J. (1693). THE English Grammar: OR, The ENGLISH TONGUE Reduced to Grammatical Rules: Containing The Four parts of Grammar, [etc.]. London: M.B. Retrieved from https://suny-bsc.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01SUNY_BSC/vfepa5/alma999210693104813

Hosseini, E., Sarfallah, S., Bakhshipour, F., & Dolatabadi, H. R. (2012, September). The Impact of Using Etymological Analysis on Teaching Vocabulary to EFL University Students. Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 2(9), 1868-1876. doi:10.4304/tpls.2.9.1868-1876

Parry, K. (2018). A language in common: an approach to teaching the history of English. Word, 64(1), 1-8. doi:10.1080/00437956.2018.1425185

Rasinski, T. V., Padak, N., Newton, J., & Newton, E. (2011). The Latin-Greek Connection: Building Vocabulary Through Morphological Study. The Reading Teacher, 65(2), 133-141. doi:DOI:10.1002/TRTR.01015

Robinson, F. C. (2004, July 1). The History of English and Its Practical Uses. The Sewanee Review, 112(3), 376-395. Retrieved October 26, 2020, from https://suny-bsc.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01SUNY_BSC/7q3gmc/cdi_proquest_journals_212014859

Sadler, J. (1970, December). Etymology and Latin Teaching. The Classical World, 64(4), 117-120. doi:10.2307/4347341

 


[1] (Robinson, 2004)

[2] (Robinson, 2004)

[3] (Robinson, 2004)

[4] yeet, v. to throw from oneself with great force

[5] (Aickin, 1693)

[6] (Aickin, 1693)

[7] (Aickin, 1693)

[8] Not his words.

[9] (Aickin, 1693)

[10] I love the central conceit of Galileo’s Dialogue – he’s practically like, “Here are two opposing worldviews, equal in weight, which I present without bias or opinion, and also one of them is espoused by a character named Imbecile.”

[11] (Aickin, 1693)

[12] One could argue, accurately but perhaps sophomorically, that the current most common language of science (and everything, and everyone) is, in fact, binary code.

[13] (Sadler, 1970)

[14] (Robinson, 2004)

[15] (Rasinski, Padak, Newton, & Newton, 2011)

[16] (Hosseini, Sarfallah, Bakhshipour, & Dolatabadi, 2012)

[17] (Parry, 2018)

[18] (Parry, 2018)

[19] (Parry, 2018)

[20] Matthew 21:18-22

[21] 2 Kings 2:23-24

[22] I found Robinson at roughly this point in writing the paper, just before beginning to piece together a final conclusion – my example lesson was initially from my own recollections of previously-read sources, not new-to-me sources, and I tucked the Robinson citations in well after the writing of that section.

[23] (Robinson, 2004)

[24] (Robinson, 2004) (Parry, 2018)